Verführung auf hoher See (Julia) (German Edition)
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Every question is welcomed! Browse all Themes Join the Club. Finish in Record Time All our Joomla Themes are built-in only with the necessary features and parameters that are really needed. Like in the hereditary lands, the Hungarian houses are numbered with black colour; the number should be high around three inches, being painted beside or above the house door In January , the Emperor has to revoke the new recruiting system, which also affects the house numbers.
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During playing military music and firing artillery, in a sort of ceremony they are removed from the houses The just established 48 city districts — called sections — are numbered consecutively, so the numbers pass through the city without plan and there are streets where houses have the same number, because the streets cross several districts The French Revolution is of Europe-wide importance also concerning house numbering; the revolutionary wars will introduce this technology in many German, Swiss 52 and Dutch 53 cities, e.
Quite famous is the often quoted anecdote of Cologne to explain how the brand name was created for Eau de Cologne. At the Prussian capital of Berlin house numbering is proposed later. Johann Philipp Eisenberg, president of police, proposes the consecutive numbering of the whole city The Prussian king rejects this method; in he orders that the numbering has to be executed by streets.
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Finally this method is chosen, numbering starts on the right side of the more busy or important part of the street, proceeds on this side until the end of the road and then passes on the left side of the street The corresponding order, dated with September 24 th , requires the numbers attached with black colour made out of bone coal and oil on a white rectangle painted on the houses.
Simultaneously street names are written on the houses and a new cadastre of the Venice Sestieres is executed Especially it would be intriguing to investigate when house numbering appears in colonial cities as for example in Latin America, because it is possible that numbering — as the fingerprint, another technology of control — first was used in the colonies and later was transferred from periphery to centre It can be the billeting of soldiers, recruiting, the administration of tributes and taxes, the fight against beggars or fire insurance But one argument seems not to be used by officials.
So what nowadays has become a technology of orientation nobody would call into question is in its beginning intended to be a manifest technology of policing people; the officials do not hide this and therefore sometimes are confronted with resistance. It seems that most often government authorities initiate numbering, although there are exceptions — the case of Paris and some cities in the usa , where private editors of town directories start house numbering 63 ; in the nineteenth century the task of house numbering usually shifts to the town councils.
Provisionally it can be said that house numbering was one instrument — among others as for example the census, ordnance surveyance and land registers — to create the modern state. Following James C. In the case of Vienna there are examples that soon after their introduction people used the house numbers to address letters or to publish their address in newspaper ads The numbering of whole villages, as applied for example in the Habsburg Monarchy.
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The numbering of quarters, with a letter being used to symbolize the corresponding city quarter Mainz, Augsburg, Nuremberg. The numbering by block of houses Madrid, Mannheim. The numbering by street using the so called clockwise or horseshoe scheme. The houses on one side of the street are numbered with odd numbers, the houses on the other side with even numbers. The block decimal system mainly used in the usa, where numbers are reserved for the houses of every block of houses; this system is also called Philadelphia system because it was first used in Philadelphia Its primary aim was to prepare the introduction of a new military recruitment system, covering, above all, Christian men fit for service in the army.
But since the survey was also to serve the purposes of demographic policies, both female and Jewish souls were accounted for, as well, albeit in lesser detail. Thus, commissions comprised of both civilian and military staff toured villages and towns, proceeding from house to house and listing the individuals into reprinted sheets The number was denoted as a house number also by containing letters — figures alone were not considered to be sufficient as they might have been mistaken for a year-date.
Those houses had to be numbered separately and marked with Roman , or Latin, instead of German indo-arabic figures.
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This once again brought to the fore the sharp dividing line that was drawn between the so-called Christian and the Jewish souls — the mark Jews living in Prague were obliged to wear this dress code was abolished only in was attached to their houses, as well Thus, the order of numbers reflected the route the commissioners took passing through a certain place. The system was only insufficiently prepared to cover changes.
When a new house is built in a village, it gets the figure that follows the number of the last house being numbered, even when it stands not near to it. If two houses are merged, one number disappears. The numbers that should guarantee order are messed up. The order that should guarantee orientation in space slightly becomes an order of time, that means: the smaller the house number, the older the house, what even today is the case in some tiny Austrian villages.
This statement seems to be valid also for the world of houses. One apparent sign for this is the often executed renumbering — up to five times in some Viennese suburbs —, a problem many local historians are confronted with, who have to consult complicated concordance tables to trace a certain house. In , a first renumbering has to be executed and again in It was numbered with conscription number In , it was demolished; on its place architect Peter Mollner erected four new houses.
One of them kept the old number — —, the three others got the until then not used numbers , and Finally, these houses got after new conscription or land register numbers, to In this way finding an address in a big city could become a difficult, time-consuming task, even if one knew the name of the street, because two houses standing side by side not necessarily were numbered with figures following each other. In Vienna for example, it was decreed by resolution of the city council on May 2 nd Here the new house numbers are called police numbers to distinguish them from the fire cadastre or assurance numbers that were introduced in connection with the fire assurance.
The Regulation concerning the police numbering of the houses is dated February 11 th and settles the shape of the new numbers. The assurance numbers are kept, but can be transferred in the entrance of the house; until today they can be found being fixed on the inside of the doors A statement published in a travelogue by usa geographer John Pinkerton suggests a different land of origin. Pinkerton travelled to Napoleonic Paris at the beginning of the nineteenth century, when the revolutionary, section wise numbering was still used and made orientation very difficult.
Pinkerton knew an alternative:. In the following years this system was used in many other us cities, and then was introduced in Paris The terminological work of the linguist Heike Wiese gives an answer to this question. Wiese distinguishes three kinds of number assignments. In this case numbers are used as proper names, as is the case for example with bus or tramway numbers, house numbers or telephone numbers.
So numbers can be assigned to objects for three purposes. First to determine the cardinality of sets, second to determine the ranks of objects in a sequence and third to determine the identity of objects in a set; there are cardinal, ordinal and nominal number assignments In the case of the house numbering per village or the clockwise street numbering system it is possible to mix the nominal number assignment with the cardinal number assignments.
Here the number being assigned to the last numbered house equals the cardinality of all houses in the village or the street, as was for example the case in the Habsburg Monarchy. Here the census takers could compile lists in that the names of the villages and next to it the last house number of the corresponding village were registered. By doing so it was possible to state that during the census of for example in Bohemia there were According to his Tableau de Paris everyone wanted to have the number one in his or her street, all wanted to resemble Caesar, nobody wanted to be number two in Rome; if a noble entrance gate would be numbered after a common workshop this would implies a pinch of equality to be watched out for The owner was arrested and the house completely demolished.
The house number was taken away and fixed on a stake being hammered into the position of the former house.
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The authorities finally decided that when a new house was built one should be cautious about fixing the number on the house instead of the stake So the house number is more resistant than the house that the number is fixed. It survives the demolition of the house having been populated with dissolute people and waits for the new house to be erected and to be addressed by the number. The emptied space the address refers to seem to require a new building.
Using this system the houses were not counted any longer but were only addressed, being given the fact that the highest house number of a street numbered in this manner did not need to equal the number of houses of this street. This system will also make it easier to assign numbers to an empty space destinated to new buildings — analogous to the indo-arabic place value system based on the Zero So the history and the succession of the different types of house numbering can be regarded as a process of rejecting the cardinal number assignment and of strengthening the nominal number assignment aspect while maintaining the secondary ordinal aspect.
But sometimes it can be the other way round, which was true for the more recent history of Austria. This embassy was first accommodated in a tent, then in a container, and became a meeting place of the resistance against the unwanted government; the weekly demonstrations — taking place every Thursday — started here. Sometimes it can be a desired good. So technologies of control and surveillance have a chance to gain acceptance, when the concerned citizens can appropriate them for their own purposes.
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