Adenauers Foreign Office: West German Diplomacy in the Shadow of the Third Reich
Germany has an embassy in Windhoek. Niger has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Niamey. Nigeria has an embassy in Berlin and a consulate-general in Frankfurt. Germany has an embassy in Abuja and a consulate-general in Lagos. Rwanda has an embassy in Berlin.
Germany has an embassy in Kigali. Senegal has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Dakar. Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Freetown. Somalia has an embassy in Berlin. Germany is represented in Somalia through its embassy in Kenya. South Africa. Germany has an embassy in Pretoria and a consulate-general in Cape Town. South Sudan. South Sudan has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Juba. Sudan has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Khartoum. Tanzania has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Dar-es-Salaam.
Togo has an embassy in Berlin. Tunisia has an embassy in Berlin, a consulate-general in Bonn , and consulates in Hamburg and Munich. Germany has an embassy in Tunis. Uganda has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Kampala. Zambia has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Lusaka. Zimbabwe has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Harare. Antigua and Barbuda. Antigua and Barbuda is represented in Germany through its embassy in the United Kingdom. Germany is represented in Antigua and Barbuda through its embassy in Trinidad and Tobago.
See Argentina—Germany relations Argentina has an embassy in Berlin, consulates-general in Frankfurt and Hamburg,  and a consulate in Bonn. The Bahamas is represented in Germany through its embassy in the United Kingdom. Germany is represented in the Bahamas through its embassy in Jamaica.
Belize is represented in Germany through its embassy in Brussels. Diplomatic relations between the two states were broken during the First World War. Relations were restored after the war under the agreement concluded on 20 July Germany has an embassy in La Paz. Colombia has an embassy in Berlin, a consulate-general in Frankfurt and three honorary consulates in Bremen, Hamburg and Stuttgart.
Costa Rica. Costa Rica has an embassy in Berlin. Cuba has an embassy in Berlin and an embassy outpost in Bonn. Germany has an embassy in Havana. Dominica is represented in Germany through its embassy in London. Germany is represented in Dominica through its embassy in Trinidad and Tobago. Dominican Republic. Germany has an embassy in Santo Domingo. Ecuador has an embassy in Berlin and a consulate in Hamburg. Germany has an embassy in Quito. El Salvador. El Salvador has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in San Salvador. Grenada has closed its embassy in Germany on August 17, Germany is represented in Grenada through its embassy in Trinidad and Tobago.
Guatemala has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Guatemala City. Guyana is represented in Germany through its embassy in Brussles. Germany is represented in Guyana through its embassy in Trinidad and Tobago. Haiti has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Port-au-Prince. Honduras has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Tegucigalpa. Jamaica has an embassy in Berlin.
Germany has an embassy in Kingston.
The New German Question
Nicaragua has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Managua. Panama has an embassy in Berlin and a consalate-general in Hamburg. Germany has an embassy in Panama City. Paraguay has an embassy in Berlin and a consulate-general in Frankfurt. Alfredo Stroessner , the dictator of Paraguay for 35 years, had a German immigrant father. Peru has an embassy in Berlin and consulates-general in Hamburg, Munich and Offenbach.
Germany has an embassy in Lima. Kitts and Nevis. Germany is represented in St. Kitts and Nevis through its embassy in Trinidad and Tobago. Lucia through its embassy in Trinidad and Tobago. Vincent and the Grenadines. Vincent and the Grenadines through its embassy in Trinidad and Tobago. Suriname is represented in Germany through its embassy in the Netherlands. Germany is represented in Suriname through its embassy in Trinidad and Tobago.
Trinidad and Tobago. Germany has an embassy in Port of Spain. United States. See Germany—United States relations Since , the current chancellor Angela Merkel has sought warmer relations with the United States and to rebuild political ties on common values and beliefs.
Germany has an embassy in Montevideo. Germany is Uruguay's principal trading partner in the European Union. Venezuela has an embassy in Berlin and consulates-general in Frankfurt and Hamburg. Germany has an embassy in Caracas. See Afghanistan—Germany relations German was one of the first nations to recognise Afghan sovereignty, following the Soviet Union in See Armenia—Germany relations Armenian-German relations have always been stable and solid; they continue to work together and advance through the years in cooperation. Azerbaijan has an embassy in Berlin. Bahrain has an embassy in Berlin.
Germany has an embassy in Manama. Germany has an embassy in Dhaka. There are no diplomatic relations between Bhutan and Germany, but consular relations have existed since The consular affairs in Germany are handled by the embassy of Bhutan in Belgium.
The consular affairs in Bhutan are handled by the embassy of Germany in India. Cambodia has an embassy in Berlin.
Germany has an embassy in Phnom Penh. See China—Germany relations Germany has good relationships with the People's Republic of China, even though Angela Merkel and large parts of Germany's political class have recently criticised the People's Republic for holding back reforms in the field of democracy and human rights. See Foreign relations of Georgia Georgia has an embassy in Berlin and a consulate-general in Frankfurt.
Germany has an embassy in Tbilisi. Hong Kong. There are no formal diplomatic relations between Hong Kong and Germany, due to the character of Hong Kong being a Special Administrative Region and not an independent nation. Germany has a consulate-general in Hong Kong. India have an embassy in Berlin  and three consulate generals in Frankfurt ,  Munich ,  and Hamburg. Main article: Germany—Indonesia relations Indonesia and Germany have traditionally enjoyed good, intensive and wide-ranging relations. Germany and Indonesia, as the largest members of the European Union and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ASEAN , respectively, take similar positions on many issues relating to the development of the two regional organizations.
Germany has an embassy in Jakarta. Germany has an embassy in Tehran. Germany has an embassy in Baghdad and a consulate-general in Erbil. See Germany—Israel relations Germany-Israel relations refers to the special relationship between Israel and Germany based on shared beliefs, Western values and a combination of historical perspectives. Germany has an embassy in Tel Aviv. See Germany—Japan relations Regular meetings between the two countries have led to several cooperations.
Germany has an embassy in Tokyo and a consulate-general in Osaka. Jordan has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Amman. See Germany—Kazakhstan relations Kazakhstan and Germany have established partnerships in the energy, technology and raw materials sectors. Germany has a national pavilion at the Astana Expo Kuwait has an embassy in Berlin and a consulate-general in Frankfurt. Germany has an embassy in Kuwait City. Kyrgyzstan has an embassy in Berlin, an embassy outpost in Bonn, and a consulate in Frankfurt.
Germany has an embassy in Bishkek. Laos has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Vientiane.
Lebanon has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Beirut. See Germany—Malaysia relations Malaysia has an embassy in Berlin and a consulate-general in Frankfurt. Germany has an embassy in Kuala Lumpur. The Maldives have an embassy in Berlin. Germany is represented in the Maldives through its embassy in Sri Lanka.
Mongolia has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Ulaanbaatar. Nepal has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Kathmandu. North Korea. Germany has an embassy in Pyongyang. Oman has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Muscat. See Germany—Pakistan relations Pakistan and Germany enjoy extremely close, warm and historical relations.
Palestine has a representative office in Berlin. Germany has a representative office in Ramallah. See Germany—Philippines relations The relation between Germany and the Philippines remain strong and positive.
Germany has an embassy in Manila. See Germany—Qatar relations Qatar has an embassy in Berlin, an embassy outpost in Bonn, and a consulate-general in Munich. Germany has an embassy in Doha. Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia has an embassy in Berlin and a consulate-general in Frankfurt. Germany has an embassy in Riyadh and a consulate-general in Jeddah. See Germany—Singapore relations Singapore has an embassy in Berlin.
Germany has an embassy in Singapore. South Korea. The number of the South Koreans living in Germany in was about 31, There is no quota to South Korean citizens. Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka has an embassy in Berlin and a consulate-general in Frankfurt. Germany has an embassy in Colombo. Germany and Taiwan don't maintain official diplomatic relations. Germany on the other hand maintains a German Institute in Taipei. Tajikistan has an embassy in Berlin. Germany has an embassy in Dushanbe. On the one hand, it has been already established that the Western Allies allowed far more continuity than they had first intended.
They stopped the so-called Denazification in , one year before the two German states came into being. This passage is substantiated with a number of quotations by West German diplomats from original sources, whereas the other parts of the article are mainly based on secondary literature.
Some of the new facets of the West German Foreign Service were quite genuine for West Germany, like turning away from the past, which also overshadowed this endeavor. Another facet was the special political situation created by the division of Germany through the Iron Curtain between the Western democratic and the Eastern communist hemisphere. To attain unity was a prime, if not the most important, goal of West German policy. Both aspects—the overshadowing past and the goal of unity—were mixed up in the problem of how to deal with Israel.
But the normalization of bilateral relations was not only hindered by the German atrocities during the Third Reich. Another obstacle was the fact that that West Germany feared that the Arab states could react by recognizing East Germany It would have stopped Romania's expansion to the East and destroyed its monolithic nature. Romania would also gain a long-term dispute with Russia. In general, to summarize Urbas, a German protectorate over Ukraine should be favored because Austria-Hungary for both political and military reasons could not exercise such a protectorate and simultaneously occupy Poland, and in any case Ukraine would not be viable without help from a non-Russian force.
In case of German refusal, a personal union with Romania might be proposed. Vienna's Ukrainian policy was marked by secrecy: its attitude to the aspirations of a large European nation for liberation was never made public. As early as December the SVU pointed out the need for an official declaration by the Central Powers to the effect that after the defeat of Russia they would promote the establishment of a free and independent Ukraine. The SVU, on its part, will do its utmost to promote the spread of agitation materials in Ukraine through its representatives.
In August a memorandum addressed to the Austro-Hungarian High Command was made public by the All-Ukrainian National Council, which was closely tied ideologically and politically with the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine. The authors — K.
Foreign relations of Germany - Wikipedia
Levytsky, Ye. Olesnytsky, and L. Tsehelsky underscored their desire not to separate Western Ukraine from Austria-Hungary state but, on the contrary, to augment it at the expense of Russian Ukraine. They urged that Austro-Hungarian forces should not stop at the Bug but should penetrate to the Dnipro and Black Sea in order to liberate the Ukrainians from Russian rule and create an autonomous political entity closely bound to the Central Powers. The only way to weaken Russia was to separate from it all or most of Ukraine.
Circumstances forced the future Ukrainian state to seek guarantees for its existence exclusively from the Central Powers. There were and could be no conflict between Ukraine and the Central Powers. In terms of politics and economics, Ukraine could only gain from the Central Powers. The natural directions of Ukrainian expansion from time immemorial were to the east and southeast. At the same time Ukrainian public figures voiced their concern over Polish encroachments into Ukrainian lands. The incorporation of Eastern Galicia, the Kholm region, Volhynia, and Podillia into a future Polish state or even an autonomous Poland would have been totally unacceptable to Ukrainian national and political interests as well as inadvisable and even dangerous for the Central Powers.
If ever the choice arose between Russian pressure and an extremely chauvinistic Polish regime, the oppressed nation would choose the lesser evil and tend to come to terms with Russia which would become more flexible after defeat. A year later the All-Ukrainian National Council presidium, aware of the intentions of the Central Powers to finally resolve the Polish problem in the nearest future, sent its demands to S.
Burian, Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs. First, official Vienna was notified that no Ukrainian territories where Ukrainians constitute a majority wished to be joined to Poland. Secondly, the Ukrainians who resides west of the area of compact Ukrainian settlement and might be made part of Poland should be granted all the rights of ethnic minorities. Thirdly, the Ukrainian territories occupied by the armed forces of the Central Powers, i.
Official Vienna took a dim view of the plan to quantitatively increase the Ukrainian Sichovi striltsi legion, forbade the SVU to conduct national agitation activities among Ukrainian prisoners of war and gradually reduced assistance to it. But Austria's most unpleasant surprise for Ukrainian organizations was its plan of establishing a Polish Kingdom incorporating Ukrainian lands. This clearly showed that Austrian policy-makers accorded the Ukrainian problem secondary status. As a result, Ukrainian politicians gradually adopted a pro-German attitude.
As a consequence of the revolutionary events of , the Ukrainian question in the eyes of the Central Powers took on a wholly new light. Ukrainian democracy in Russia opposed the idea of a complete separation of Ukraine from Russia from the very onset of the revolution referring to it as a "stab in the back for Russian democracy. A considerable part of the Ukrainian population favored joint action with the "Motherland," especially against the external threat.
In the face of such circumstances, Vienna thought that the best line for troops entering Ukraine was this: "In these circumstances we are waging a defensive war and striving for a just peace for all. We do not interfere in the internal affairs of the neighboring nations; on the contrary, we give these nations a chance to decide their own fate.
Also consonant with this position is a memorandum prepared in August by the presidium of the Ukrainian Parliamentary Club in the persons of Yevhen Levytsky and Yevhen Petrushevych. The Austrian deputies from Galicia wrote that beyond the shadow of a doubt the creation of a Ukrainian state, even in a federal union with Russia and other new political entities like Finland, the Caucasus, Turkestan, etc. It was also understood that Ukraine would require a certain period of time to consolidate itself. Ukrainians wished only that the Central Powers, if they occupied the above-said territories of an autonomous Ukraine, should recognize the provisional government in Kyiv and the Ukraine's right to a certain measure of political home-rule as well as to commit themselves to support Ukrainian aspirations, keeping in mind their own long-term interests pending the opening of a peace conference.
Ukrainians looked forward to a clear-cut promise that if the armies of the Central Powers entered Ukrainian territory, they would not dissolve local bodies of the Kyiv provisional government but rather offer them real support, strengthen them, and foster their further development.
- Sonata No. 6 G Major KV11 - Flute.
- Coming Apart at the End?
- Adenauer's Foreign Office: West German Diplomacy in the Shadow of the Third Reich.
Thus, having changed, radically its Ukrainian policy, Austria-Hungary reached a turning point at the Brest-Litovsk negotiations with the delegation of the Ukrainian People's Republic and the signing of a "bread peace" with Ukraine. The Ukrainian delegation began negotiations in Bres-tLitovsk in early January , ending in the signing of a peace treaty between the Ukrainian People's Republic UNR , on the one hand, and Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey, on the other, on the night of February 9, A border was drawn in the West and Northwest of Ukraine. The problem of prisoners of war was discussed, and economic relations were regulated.
A secret protocol was also agreed to between the UNR and Austria-Hungary related to the future destiny of Ukrainian lands in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Vienna promised to introduce in both houses of the Austrian parliament a bill to establish a Crownland of Eastern Galicia and Bukovina by July 20, The Ukrainian delegation was to fulfill yet another important task, obtaining armed assistance from Germany and Austria-Hungary to restore the authority of the Central Rada.
It was decided at the conference of the top-level German leadership on February 13, , to aid Ukraine as part of the overall war effort on the Eastern front starting from February 18 after breaking the cease-fire with Soviet Russia. The Ukrainian representatives were also to sign an address to the people of Germany and Austria-Hungary to this effect.
As a result, the Ukrainian lands were occupied by , troops of the Central Powers and military administration of Berlin and Vienna, while Ukraine was divided into spheres of influence. Universities and specialized research institutions began to attach great importance to Ukrainian studies. Nor could the then newly fashionable discipline of geopolitics overlook Ukraine.
Various concepts of German policy toward Ukraine were elaborated, primarily on the basis of the experience of German-Ukrainian relations at the end of World War I. Ukraine was regarded as a potentially powerful independent nation, should it be reassembled from the four parts into which it had been partitioned in , capable of exerting great influence on the future balance of power in Eastern Europe. But these concepts failed to influence German Realpolitik. That automatically excluded playing the Ukrainian card. For Hitler, Ukraine was not a separate agent in politics, only part of a much greater political game.
Therefore, while the number of research institutions studying the East considerably increased, they could not define the direction of the country's political strategy. As in any totalitarian state, only the Nazi leader's views and intent carried weight. As Hitler formulated it in Mein Kampf, the main objective of Nazi German foreign policy was to win more Lebensraum living space for the Germans as a racially superior people. Hitler announced: "To be sure, this territorial policy cannot be carried out in Cameroon but only in Europe Therefore, the unique opportunity for Germany to pursue a sound territorial policy lies only in winning new lands in Europe itself It should be clearly understood that this objective can be achieved only by means of war Hitler did not have any special plans for Ukraine, which he viewed only as a part of a huge space up to the Urals, which Germany had to conquer from the Soviet Union.
Of course, this is not to say that Hitler unaware of Ukraine and its importance. In his address to a massive yearly party conference of Nazis in Nuremberg in September , he declared, "If we had at our disposal the colossal raw materials of the Urals, Siberian forests, and the limitless fertile plains of Ukraine were within the boundaries of Germany — we would have everything. The latter statement reflected just the concept of gaining Lebensraum in the East. This confusion was repeated in early , when preparations for the German attack on the USSR were in full swing.
Hitler's instructions included, among other things, the following: "The future campaign will be not just an armed struggle. It will also be a clash of two ideologies. In order to bring the new war to a victorious end, it is not sufficient to occupy the territory and defeat the enemy's armed forces. The whole territory must be dissected into a number of states with their own governments, with which we could make peace. That was not what he actually had in mind — even in the noncommunist West, where by that time Germany had already defeated and occupied six countries, none of them was offered a peace treaty.
Hitler postponed peacemaking until final victory in order to be in a position to reshuffle all of Europe and its colonies in accordance with his imperialist and racist ideas. Moreover, he did not need any state with its own government in the East, on the territory of the USSR, where the population slated for a fate very different from that of Western Europe. In the East "Our tasis to build, as fast as possible and with minimum of armed forces involved, socialist state formations dependent on us. The task is so difficult that it cannot be left to the Army.
Hitler did not know that after the Bolsheviks there was hardly anything left of the local intelligentsia. The "socialist state formations" which Hitler had in mind meant that the subjugated population of the East would be, as under the Bolsheviks, absolutely without any legal rights, and all power and large-scale property would belong to the invaders. On April 2, , Alfred Rosenberg, the main Nazi authority on national and ethnic problems in the USSR, who was appointed by Hitler as his "representative on a centralized solution of problems of the East-European space," submitted the "Memorandum No.
In it he analyzed the state of affairs and made recommendations for future policy in various of the Soviet territories to be occupied by Germany. Unlike Hitler, in foreign policy matters Rosenberg, although he was an official Nazi ideologist and always favored the annihilation of bolshevism by military means, held not so much extremist as traditional imperialist views.
But even after the Tartar conquest, Kiev for a long time served as a polar opposite to Moscow. Its inner national life was based on virtually independent traditions which had arisen on its own, contrary to claims of Muscovy historiography, which has predominated in European scholarship. And economically, this region should simultaneously become a powerful source of raw materials and additional food supplies for the Greater German Reich. To that part, which is regarded in the USSR as purely Ukrainian, it would be necessary to add borderline strips from the indigenous Russian area Here parts of Kursk and Voronezh administrative regions are referred to.
Achieving this political goal would require directing the administrative and economic organization of the whole [Ukrainian] region. The Rosenberg plan envisaged no changes in the ethnic composition of the Eastern territories, except for the Baltic states. Its main thrust was to weaken and isolate Russia which he hated and feared; hence, the Rosenberg plan was to encircle Great Russia with a belt of nation states dependent on Germany and hostile to Russia. Ukraine was to be one of them. It was the greatest among them, therefore it demanded the greatest attention.
Similar views were also held by some other influential German officials, especially among the top military leadership who remembered well German Army's temporary stay in Ukraine in at the request of the Ukrainian Central Rada. But these views differed from Hitler's plans and were to yield no results. On April 25, , Rosenberg completed his work on "Memorandum No. It envisaged creating colonial satrapies in the form of German Reichskomissariats: Ostland the Baltic states and Belarus , Ukraine, Muscovy, and the Caucasus on occupied Soviet territory.
The war can be fought only under the condition that When we have taken everything what we need from the country, tens of millions of people will undoubtedly starve to death. On July 16, , Hitler had all the Nazi top officials assembled for instructions on occupation policy. He noted No one should be able to grow aware that we are beginning the Final Solution! Despite this, we are in a position! He made it clear that the Romanian dictator would get what he wanted.